THEORY OF LINGUISTIC DERIVATION
who are not familiar with linguistics, there is one definition that is needed to
understand this work
- voiced fricatives - consonant speech sounds (
phones or phonemes ),
that are produced by vibration of the vocal cords and some other speech organ ( such as
lips, tongue, teeth ),
that produce buzzing sounds, such as v , th in "them"
, j , and z.
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- Note also that, despite the finding that the probability that there is an association between social approval of violence in a culture and the presence of voiced fricative consonants in the language of the culture is greater than 95% in the groups considered here ( see Appendix 2, Statistical Analysis, last two pages ), this work only presents evidence of the existence of the relationship. Because the groups considered in this study - groups for which linguistic and ethnographic information was available - represent a relatively small sample size, the evidence cannot be reasonably considered, at the present time, to constitute scientific proof. Results indicate a relationship that may, in the future, be proven to be both factual and observable in reality, and may represent a new field of exploration of human consciousness.
Interesting reading - Sections Two, Three, Five, Six, and
Statistical Analysis in Appendix 2
( last 2 pages).
THEORY OF LINGUISTIC DERIVATION
© Copyright 1999 by Jan Pierre Reed
All rights reserved
With thanks to Samuel and Beatrice, and
General Theory of Linguistic Derivation
Specific aspects of a cultural milieu tend to produce characteristic phones.
There is a definite predictable relationship between the collective consciousness of a linguistic group and the phonetic structure of the language of that group. In isolated cultures the relationship is direct.
In neurological terms stimulation of a given area of the brain causes a given
psychosomatic state. It is
postulated that particular areas of the brain are associated with the formulation of
phonetic representations of
psychosomatic states. It is further postulated that the areas of the brain that formulate
lexical referents (words) tend
to create or use characteristic phonetic representations for given psychosomatic states.
First Hypothesis of Linguistic Derivation
The phonetic surrogates of violence are the voiced fricatives.
In neurological terms, the area of the brain stimulation of which causes violence, in its interactions with the linguistic areas of the brain, tends to produce characteristic phonetic representations: the voiced fricatives.
In other words, voiced fricatives are phonetic symbols
that, in general, represent
social approval or social toleration of unprovoked violence.
Addendum to First Hypothesis
These allophones form a mutually reinforcing system with the psychosomatic state
with their initial articulation. The verbalization of specific allophones tends to remind
speakers of the psychosomatic
state associated with the creation of a phonetic (lexical) referent for a given
internal-external context. The
unenlightened verbalization of, as well as the unenlightened act of hearing these
allophones facilitates and encourages
( there is no English word known to the author to express the idea of creation of
unconscious cultural patterning )
identification on another level than the level of conscious awareness with the
psychosomatic state associated with the
creation of the referent.
Corollaries to General Theory and First Hypothesis
In general, the higher the proportion of voiced fricatives in ordinary conversation in
linguistic group, the higher the level of violence in that group.
If a linguistic group includes two or more tribes, bands,
branches, or national groups that
incorporate distinct and differing attitudes toward violence, then, prior to subjugation
by other linguistic groups: 1)
Among linguistic groups with voiced fricative phones (phonemes or allophones) in their
language, the population of the
more violent or most violent tribe, band, or national group should, in general, be larger
than the population(s) of the
less violent group, band, or nation(s); and 2) Among linguistic groups with no voiced
fricative phones in their
language, the population of the less violent or least violent tribe or band (there are no
national languages currently
known to the author in which voiced fricative phonemes or allophones are absent) should be
larger than the population of
the more violent tribe(s) or band(s).
Addendum to General Theory
Nikolaas Tinbergen found that a red area on the stomach of a male stickleback minnow, or on the lower half of a minnow-shaped form, acted as a stimulus to other male stickleback minnows to attack under certain circumstances1.
The first hypothesis similarly suggests that the verbalization of certain allophones - the voiced fricatives - and the unenlightened act of hearing voiced fricative allophones in normal conversation, acts as a conditioning stimulus which: 1) acts to suppress natural or innate inhibitions against violent impulses and behavior; 2) suggests - unconsciously - to speakers that violence is an unalterable aspect of human nature; and 3) by suggesting that violence is an unalterable part of human nature, causes, or contributes to, the suppression of the individual and collective will to - and belief in - the possibility of - and ability to - alter reality on the level of creation of language - and reduce violence in a culture or linguistic group.
To summarize this in a slightly different form: the hypothesis implies that the presence of voiced fricative allophones in a language represents a largely unperceived conditioning stimulus or social force that acts to shape the consciousness of individual members of the group; contributes to the creation of a social environment that essentially nurtures violence by operating to suppress natural inhibitions (if such inhibitions exist) to violent impulses, or by operating as a counteracting force to attempts to socialize inhibitions to expression of violent impulses (suggesting that offensive violence is natural and therefore unalterable); and acts to suppress the individual and collective (communally held) perception of the collective consciousness as possessing the ability to act intentionally on the level of creation of language - the level of the collective consciousness (the perception of the limits of the collective ability to alter the collective consciousness) to reduce violence by conscious, intentional, collective action of the culture or linguistic group.
For example, the collective consciousness of the English linguistic group accepts virtually no limits on the imagination in the area of creation of materials and devices for "national defense" - in the construction of new, more effective, and more efficient means to destroy life. However, English culture generally perceives the individual consciousness and the English collective consciousness as powerless and unable to act on the level of creation of language; or, in some areas, actively opposes efforts to act on the level of creation of language - the level of creation of economic and cultural systems - to reduce violence by collective action (such as efforts to reduce the disparity between the most economically advantaged, and the least economically advantaged groups). The English collective consciousness manifests opposition to action - or a perceived inability to act - on the level of creation of language because reduction of unnecessary (aggressive) internal and external violence is not, at present, regarded as an important social priority or goal by the English linguistic group - reduction of violence on the level of collective consciousness - the level of creation of language - is not, at present, regarded as a goal worthy of the expenditure of any significant amount of resources by the English linguistic group.
The theory suggests that the human community - or enlightened
members of the human community
- may well have the power to make use of science - directed by the intent to serve the
interests of the human
community - moral science - to reduce levels of violence in
cultures by conscious, intentional
action - by intentional revision or redesign of the structure of language and,
or of the structure of
other means of internalization and propagation of morality and culture.
1 Tinbergen, Nikolaas, "Social
Releasers..." Wilson Bulletin
Vol. 60 # 1
1948 P. 6-52
At the time that this work was originally written - in 1976-77 - a tribal group on the island of Mindanao, identified as the "Tasaday", was purported to exist as a culturally and linguistically distinct group from other tribal groups on Mindanao. It was later discovered that the members of the group identified as the "Tasaday" were actually members of a larger tribal group that was, geographically and linguistically in close proximity to the "Tasaday" on the island - the Cotabato Manobo group. Information regarding the creation of the "Tasaday" group was revealed several years after the "discovery" of the "Tasaday" when the members of the group rejoined the Cotabato Manobo group, and stated that they had been recruited or enlisted to participate in an elaborate deception engineered and arranged by an individual with close ties to the Philippine government at that time, Manual Elizalde, who has since disappeared, in an apparent attempt to profit from the sale of "stone age" artifacts produced by members of the "Tasaday" tribe. At the time that this work was written, no substantial information questioning the accuracy or validity of the identification of the "Tasaday" group as a culturally and linguistically distinct group from the Cotabato Manobo group was available to the public.
Whether actual or contrived, though, the cultural attitudes and perspectives attributed to the "Tasaday" group (absence of internal and external violence) represented what appeared, at that time (in 1976-77), to be a reasonable opportunity to test the relationship postulated to exist between collective, cultural attitudes toward violence, and the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones in the language of a cultural group. While the hypothesis correctly predicted that the "Tasaday" language would have no voiced fricative allophones, the cause of the absence of those allophones from the "Tasaday" language was that the Cotabato Manobo language, which, as indicated, was the actual, original language of the "Tasaday" group, had no voiced fricative allophones in its phonetic inventory.
The part of the work dealing with tribal
groups on Mindanao was a result of an attempt to determine whether the concurrence of the
predicted relationship with reality in the case of the "Tasaday" group was an isolated
anomaly, or represented a consistent pattern among tribal groups on
Mindanao. The preliminary report begins with that part of the
Attempts by the author to disprove the predicted relationship are divided into three areas: first, an attempt was made to gather information to determine whether the predicted relationship existed among linguistic groups on Mindanao. Second, an attempt was made to determine whether the predicted relationship existed among the groups in a random sample of one hundred linguistic groups drawn from a list of all known languages in the world as of 1966. Third, an attempt was made to find linguistic groups in which voiced fricative allophones were absent, particularly in areas in which general levels of violence were relatively high (New Guinea and South America). ( The first sample drawn by lot produced only seven linguistic groups in which voiced fricative allophones could be reasonably assumed to be absent.)
All inferential attempts to disprove the predicted relationship were based on two assumptions which may or may not have been correct to varying degrees in different linguistic groups. First, it was assumed that there was some residual effect of the mutual influence of the phonetic structure of the language, and the culture that created it, if such influence existed; and that all such influence had not been destroyed by the effects of cultural interaction at the time that information was recorded. Linguistic groups were therefore included in the study only if substantial indications were available from published sources of the form of the culture as it existed independently of the group recording the information. Second, it was assumed that the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones in a language was not a result of, or influenced by the effects of cultural interaction, which may not be the case, as it apparently was not with the Choctaw language (one of the languages in the first sample of one hundred languages). Cultural interaction was and is the apparent cause of the presence of a voiced fricative allophone in the speech of some native speakers of Choctaw. A voiced velar fricative - International Phonetic Alphabet symbol - " " - occurs in the speech of some native speakers of Choctaw1. However the allophone occurs only in the speech of bilingual speakers of Choctaw and English, and in the speech of monolingual Choctaw-speaking children of bilingual, Choctaw and English speaking parents2.
1 Personal communication  ; - Thurston Dale Nicklas 1977
Id., The Elements of Choctaw Master Thesis Univ.of Michigan 1974
2 Personal communication  ; - Alvin Cearly 1977
- Project B. E. C. O. M. Choctaw Tribal Office Philadelphia, Miss.
Results of the attempt to determine the relationship between the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones and violence on Mindanao are sketchy. The cultural information concerning the T'boli and Cotabato Manobo linguistic groups has not been confirmed3. Most results, as was the description of the "Tasaday" language, are based on phonemic rather than phonetic descriptions of the languages (except for the Tiruray and Agusan Manobo languages), creating at least a possibility that some voiced fricative allophones may not have been described in languages in which such allophones may not have been used to symbolize a phoneme. This possibility, while common in some other areas (New Guinea), is apparently somewhat rare on Mindanao. A further difficulty with the data considered was the lack of concurrent linguistic and ethnological observations for most groups.
It appears that the cultures of most tribal groups on Mindanao are very similar in types of violent practices except for one practice: human sacrifice. It appears that most linguistic groups which practiced ritual or ceremonial execution of prisoners of war have voiced fricative allophones4.
Sufficient information was available to identify eight linguistic groups and eleven tribes in relation to the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones and the trait considered. Of these, the Cotabato Manobo and the B'lit Manobo are members of the Cotabato Manobo linguistic group and the Ubo, T'boli and Tagabili tribes are members of the T'boli linguistic group. The practice of human sacrifice has not been reported for any of theses groups to the knowledge of the only source available to the author4.
The presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones and the presence or absence of human sacrifice is indicated for the liunguistic groups. A plus in the first position following the parenthesis indicates the presence of voiced fricative allophones, a plus in the second position following the parenthesis indicates the reported presence of human sacrifice for that group. A minus in either position indicates the absence of the group of allophones or the trait considered respectively. Sources are listed in Appendix 2. The groups are: Cotabato Manobo (- -), T'boli (- -), Tiruray (- -), Bilaan (- +), Agusan Manobo (+ +), Bagobo (+ +), Manuvu (+ +), and Western Bukidnon Manobo (+ +). Probability of such an arrangement (seven or more identical signs) occuring by chance is 9 in 256 or 3.515 %. Further and more extensive research may revise these probabilities in the future.
It should be noted that these calculations do not include the Binukid linguistic group (insufficient ethnographic information in all probability - - ) ), or the Southern Bukidnon Manobo linguistic group, excluded due to the possibility of duplication of information.
At risk of appearing to wish to prove rather than disprove the predicted relationship, I would like to conclude the consideration of groups on Mindanao with an observation from Kenneth MacLeish describing a group of Higaonon meeting in a tree house in northeastern Mindanao: "Though I could not understand the words being spoken around me, I sensedthat there was something remarkable about the relationship between the speakers. Suddenly I knew what it was; no sound or sign of antagonism soured the ... atmosphere of the tree house. Here fifty or sixty related people functioned as a family ..."5.
3 Personal communication - Richard Elkins Summer Institute of Linguistics
Nasuli, Malaybalay, Bukidnon, Mindanao, Philippines 1976
4 Personal communication - Richard Elkins Ibid. 1976
5 MacLiesh, Kenneth, "Help for Philippine tribes in trouble", National Geographic Vol. 140
August, 1971 P. 220-225
The second part of the investigation consists of a random sample of one hundred linguistic groups. A list was compiled of all known languages in the world as of 1966 based on Index to Languages of the World ( Voegelin, C. F. and F. M., Anthropological Linguistics, V. 8, # 6 / 7 1966 ). Every language was listed alphabetically a total of 4,396, and numbered. One hundred non-concurrent four-digit numbers, each digit ranging from 0 to 9 were then drawn by lot. Each number was then added to 2, to compensate for the possibility of drawing four-digit numbers less than two and multiplied by .4399 (due to errors in the original listing) to produce the numbers of one hundred linguistic groups.
There were several difficulties with the use of the list in the Index for the purposes of the study. Due to inadequate information, the authors of the Index listed all dialects or tribal groups as separate languages when sufficient information was not available to determine whether descriptions indicated separate linguistic groups, dialects or tribal names. The index also listed extinct languages, which were generally eliminated from the study.
Each linguistic group for which the information was available was classified as to presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones and approximate relative level of violence.
Several conventions were followed in this part of the study. A linguistic group was defined as all mutually intelligible dialects with identical phonetic structures, generally considered to be 80% or more cognates.
For linguistic groups which included more than one tribe or separate cultural group, the numerically larger or apparently original linguistic group was included in the study. The other group or groups were disregarded in the ethnological evaluations.
Extinct languages were eliminated from the study unless phonemic or phonetic information was available from published sources.
Only linguistic and cultural information concerning the specific linguistic group considered was accepted. Information about related tribes or dialects was not included with one exception. The Bangangte and Bandjoun of the Bamileke linguistic group apparently had virtually identical internal social structures and information was available about Bangangte external relations. It was assumed that the two groups had reasonably similar external relations with other tribes in the area.
Two word lists from independent sources or a phonemic description of the language were considered sufficient to establish the presence of voiced fricative allophones. However, only a complete phonetic description of a language was considered sufficient to establish the absence of voiced fricative allophones. (A phonemic description of one of the languages - Wembi-Manem - included no voiced fricative phonemes, but a phonetic description of the language indicated a voiced fricative allophone.)
For approximations of the relative levels of violence in the groups, the author considered such socially approved violence as: human sacrifice (usually execution of prisoners of war), infanticide, summary execution of prisoners of war, summary execution for violation of survival-related taboos (murder, theft, etc.), summary execution for violation of non-survival related taboos, summary execution for community reprobation - witchcraft, socially approved execution for any reason, suicide, positive valuation of offensive warfare (glorification of warfare), ritual torture, ritual mutilation, self-mutilation, violence regarded as a socially approved form of competition or entertainment, whether actual (boxing) or simulated (professional wrestling), physical coercion (corporal punishment), and genocide. Cannibalism, while not in itself violent, would indicate violent groups if regarded as a source of subsistence. Relative levels of socially condemned violence were also considered.
At present, the author has been able to divide linguistic groups into only two groups with any reasonable assurance of independent concurrence on classifications with regard to relative levels of violence: "less violent" and "more violent".
The determination of the classification of each linguistic group was based on two aspects of the culture: the cultural perspective regarding violence within the linguistic group (approval or disapproval), and the cultural perspective regarding violence toward other linguistic groups (positive or negative valuation). If violence was not approved within the linguistic group or in relations with other linguistic groups, the group was classified as "less violent". If violence was approved within the group in interpersonal relations, or if offensive violence was approved in relation to other linguistic groups, the group was classified as "more violent".
Further evaluations of relative levels of violence could be made on the basis of individual violent practices, but the author has not yet made such classifications.
The first sample drawn by lot produced seven linguistic groups in which it could be assumed that voiced fricative allophones were absent. The seven groups were Iraqw, Tama, Choctaw, Alabama, Quileute, Catawba, and Tiruray. It is unlikely that further investigation will reveal many more groups from the first sample in which voiced fricative allophones are absent, as all available published information known to the author from areas of the world in which the absence of voiced fricative allophones is not uncommon has been insufficient to establish the presence of any more groups with no voiced fricative allophones. The first sample included three linguistic groups from Australia ( Amarag, Jandjinung, and Wanamara), one from the Philippines ( Tiruray ), one from the northwest coast of North America ( Quileute) and three from southern North America north of the Gulf of Mexico ( Choctaw, Alabama and Catawba ). Of the three from Australia, (available) published linguistic information was insufficient to establish either the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones for any group.
Of the seven groups in which voiced fricative allophones were absent, sufficient ethnological information was available to classify only four in relation to relative level of violence. The four groups were Quileute, Tiruray, Choctaw and Iraqw. The classification of each of these groups will be discussed in detail.
The Quileute linguistic group was classified as more violent on the basis of two statements by Pettitt. First that "the Quileute were in fact a rather militaristic group"7 ,and second that "when someone died, a war party was organized and some stranger was killed "7. Other reported practices of the Quileute do not appear to be particularly violent with the possible exception of the initiations and ritual self-mutilation duringsome initiations8.
Some of the most violent practices of the Tiruray linguistic group were: summary execution for murder9, adultery10, incest11, revival after an individual was thought to be dead12 and vendetta warfare for adultery13. Suicide was apparently not uncommon14. The Tiruray were also apparently involved in territorial warfare with the Maguindanao, however, the Tiruray involvement was apparently largely defensive15.
The most violent activity commonly practiced , though, was tooth filing as an initiation rite (filing the incisors to points similar to canine teeth)16.
The author has been unable to find evidence of other commonly reported violent practices, other than occasional fights, and physical coercion as a child-rearing practice (slaps, pinches, beating with a stick )17. The Tiruray were classified as less violent.
6 Pettitt, George A., The Quileute of La Push 1775-1935 P. 16 Anthropological Records Vol. 14 # 1
University of California Press 1935
7 Pettitt, George A., The Quileute of La Push Ibid. P. 18
8 Pettitt, George A., The Quileute of La Push Ibid. P. 15
9 Wood, Grace L., "The Tiruray", Philippine Sociological Review, Vol. 2 April, 1957 P. 12-39
10 Schlegel, Stuart A., Tiruray Justice P. 20 University of California Press Berkeley 1970
11 Wood, Grace L., "The Tiruray", Op. Cit. P. 32
12 Wood, Grace L., "The Tiruray", Op. Cit. P.18-19
13 Schlegel, Stuart A., Tiruray Justice Op. Cit. P. 51
14 Tenorio, Jose, "The customs of the Tiruray people", Schlegel, Stuart, translator Philippine Studies
Vol. 18 #2 P. 364-428
15 Tenorio, Jose, "The customs of the Tiruray people", Op. Cit., P. 387-388
16 Schlegel, Stuart A., Tiruray Justice Op. Cit.
17 Schlegel, Stuart A., Tiruray Justice Op. Cit. P. 20
The Choctaw linguistic group includes two tribal groups: the Choctaw and the Chickasaw. For statistical purposes, as stated earlier, only one of them could be includedin the study. Estimates of the Choctaw population in about 1700 were approximately 20,00018. Estimates of the Chickasaw population in the 1700's were around 6,00019. Italso appears that the Chickasaw were to some extent economically dependent on the Choctaw. For these reasons, the Choctaw were chosen as the representative of the linguistic group for the study.
A quotation from Swanton indicates the basis for the classification of the Choctaw: "There were no complicated religious ceremonials to arrest the attention of the foreigner and the intelligence of the native, and it is general testimony that the Choctaw were less inclined to display their superiority to other people by trying to kill them than is usual even in ' more civilized ' 20 societies. The significant things about them are told us in a few short sentences: That they had less territory than any of their neighbors but raised so much corn that they sent it to some of these others in trade, that their beliefs and customs were simple and that they seldom left their country to fight but when attacked defended themselves with dauntless bravery. In other words, the aboriginal Choctaw seem to have enjoyed the enviable position of being "just folks" uncontaminated with the idea that they existed for the sake of a political, religious, or military organization. And apparently, like the meek and the Chinese and Hindoos, they were in the process of inheriting the earth by gradual extension of their settlements because none of their neighbors could compete with them economically" 21.
Some of the most violent practices of the Choctaw were summary execution and torture of prisoners of war, and summary execution for murder22 and prolonged illness23.
In another area of the world, the Choctaw might possibly be classified as more violent, but due to their relatively low level of violence in comparison to other groups around them, they were classified as less violent.
The Iraqw linguistic group apparently exhibited a relatively low level of violence. The only commonly reported, socially approved violent practice in the group, other than community defense, was clitoridectomy24. Apparently the only other organized, socially approved violent practice in the group, execution for community reprobation - witchcraft - was somewhat uncommon. According to Winter: "The Iraqw are essentially a very peace-loving people without warlike ambitions"25. "Among the Iraqw themselves fighting, killing, and warfare were considered morally wrong"26 and "internal strife seems to have been notable largely by its absence."27 The Iraqw were classified as less violent.
18 Hodge, Frederick Webb, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico
Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology Vol. 30 Part 1 P. 289
Smithsonian Institution Washington, D. C. 1912
19 Hodge, Frederick, ed, Handbook of American Indians Ibid. P. 261
20 Quotation marks mine.
21 Swanton, John R., Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians
Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology Vol. 103 P. 2
Smithsonian Institution Washington, D. C. 1931
22 Swanton, John R., Ibid. P. 104
23 Swanton, John R., Ibid. P. 170-172
24 Huntingford, G. W. B., The Southern Nilo-Hamites P. 130
25 Winter, Edward, Some Aspects of Political Organization and Land Tenure Among the Iraqw P. 6
East African Institute of Social Research Kampala, Uganda 1955
26 Winter, Edward, ibid. P. 13
27 Winter, Edward, Ibid. P. 14
The author has completed ethnological and linguistic work on six of the approximately fifty linguistic groups from the first random sample in which voiced fricative allophones are known to exist. Of these six, one was classified as less violent, and five were classified as more violent. The one classified as less violent was Wintu (native American). The five classified as more violent were Potowatomi, Navaho, English, and Bangangte and Bandjoun, both Bamileke dialects, and possibly members of the same linguistic group. However, the author has been unable to find published information on cognate percentages between the two.
Some details of the classification of the Navaho linguistic group will be described to indicate the basis for classification of groups identified as more violent.
Apparently, offensive warfare was highly valued among the Navaho. Child training for warfare began early - at age seven to eight. Raids against surrounding groups were apparently frequent. The Navaho apparently attacked Europeans, Mexicans, and surrounding native American groups. They apparently attacked other groups of Navaho for women. They also practiced summary execution for community reprobation - witchcraft.
Navaho child-rearing practices were apparently opposed to violence within the family. Their penalties for murder were apparently less severe than in some native American groups - generally payment of reparations.
The Navaho were, primarily because of their warlike tendencies, classified as more violent.
Explanations of the classifications of other linguistic groups in Appendix 3.
The obvious problem with the data in the first random sample is the small number of groups in which voiced fricative allophones are absent, which leads to the third aspect of the study: the attempt to find groups in which voiced fricative allophones are absent.
As yet, the author has found only one linguistic group in New Guinea which apparently had no voiced fricative allophones. This group, the Nimboran of Irian Jaya, while hardly constituting a random sample, does provide the first substantial evidence against the predicted relationship observed. The group apparently exhibits a high valuation of offensive warfare - early child training for warfare - and apparently physical violence by husbands against their wives was common.
In conclusion, the author has inferred that three factors tend to influence the levels of violence in linguistic groups. They are: population density - cultural interaction, the presence or absence of voiced fricative allophones, and explicit endorsement of violence in the group.
If the data so far considered are accurate, the results of the analysis of tribal groups on Mindanao are consistent with the predicted relationship. It also appears that, according to the author's evaluation, the results of the first sample will tend to support the predicted relationship.
If the specific predicted relationship cannot be disproved (and can therefore be assumed to be correct), it can be inferred that the basic postulate of the general theory also cannot be disproved and can be reasonably assumed to be correct; that at least one psychosomatic state tends to manifest itself phonetically among the existing hominids on this planet through a specific group of allophones. It could be reasonably assumed that certain other psychosomatic states may also be innately associated with other groups of allophones in the creation of phonetic representations for those states.
It appears that, if the data included are accurate, and if the present trend continues in the first and other samples of linguistic groups, this work represents the beginning of a new field; the beginning of the study of universal language and of exploration into the unconscious of social entities.
It should also be noted that it appears that there is a tautology involved in this theory, if it is correct: if the voiced fricatives are the phonetic surrogates of violence, then the relationship is one of which virtually every member of the species is, unconsciously, if not apperceptively, aware.
First Sample Languages
1) 27. Adyukru
51) 2047. Lamasa 2)
52) 2129. Lisela 3)
53) 2150. Lomaumbi 4)
110. Ambrym, Southeast
54) 2231. Macushi 5)
2481. Mbosi 6)
2522. Metan 7)
57) 2524. Metru 8)
2666. Muliama 11)
61) 2765. Navaho 12)
454. Big Nambas
63) 2821. Ngando Kota 14)
65) 2877. Nkangala 16)
68) 2982. Onin 19)
69) 3138. Pho 20)
70) 3203. Potawatomi 21)
3213. Pue 22)
72) 3246. Quileute 23)
73) 3257. Rajasthani 24)
3296. Cac Gia Roglai 25)
75) 3309. Rotokas 26)
3328. Rwo 27)
1087. Southern Estonian
77) 3342. Sae 28)
78) 3376. Sambaa 29)
79) 3453. Seleo 30)
80) 3499. Shinasha 31)
3510. Siar 32)
3514. Sicel 33)
3528. Simalungun 34)
84) 3594. Sonsorol 35)
85) 3613. Subtiaba 36)
86) 3627. Sumbawa 37)
3785. Temogun 39)
90) 3918. Totora 41)
91) 3953. Tubu 42)
92) 4028. Uiridiapa 43)
94) 4047. Urada 45)
95) 4150. Wanamara 46)
96) 4198. Wembi 47)
97) 4202. Weridai 48)
98) 4213. Wintu 49)
99) 4255. Xagua 50)
100) 4286. Yakut
52) 2129. Lisela
53) 2150. Lomaumbi
110. Ambrym, Southeast
54) 2231. Macushi
57) 2524. Metru
61) 2765. Navaho
454. Big Nambas
63) 2821. Ngando Kota
65) 2877. Nkangala
68) 2982. Onin
69) 3138. Pho
70) 3203. Potawatomi
72) 3246. Quileute
73) 3257. Rajasthani
3296. Cac Gia Roglai
75) 3309. Rotokas
1087. Southern Estonian
77) 3342. Sae
78) 3376. Sambaa
79) 3453. Seleo
80) 3499. Shinasha
84) 3594. Sonsorol
85) 3613. Subtiaba
86) 3627. Sumbawa
90) 3918. Totora
91) 3953. Tubu
92) 4028. Uiridiapa
94) 4047. Urada
95) 4150. Wanamara
96) 4198. Wembi
97) 4202. Weridai
98) 4213. Wintu
99) 4255. Xagua
100) 4286. Yakut